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Key policy issues in intellectual property and technology in Asia Pacific

Article Index
Key policy issues in intellectual property and technology in Asia Pacific
Copyright and its impact on access to knowledge and technology
Flexibilities under TRIPS
Non-proprietary models
Strong vs. weak IPR
Bilateral agreements and TRIPS-plus standards
Multilateralism as the way ahead for developing countries
Conclusion
Notes

Copyright and its impact on access to knowledge and technology

One of the justifications for a strong IP regime emerges from the argument of economic development. Economists argue that IP is needed for economic growth which is needed to reduce poverty. By ensuring innovation, creativity and productivity through IP development, countries can increase their agricultural and industrial production as well as financial investment.

The argument assumes that the system that has worked for developed countries will work similarly for developing countries. A counter-argument is that IP rights do very little to promote economic development in developing countries and in fact may end up hindering it where the necessary economic and technical capabilities are absent. For instance, the Commission on IPR maintains that IP regimes are ineffective at stimulating research that will benefit poor people because they will not be able to afford the products even if these are developed. Moreover, IP rules limit the option of technological learning through imitation and allow foreign firms to drive out domestic competition by obtaining patent protection and to service the market through imports rather than through domestic manufacture (CIPR 2002).

It is estimated that in 1999 nearly 1.2 billion people lived on less than USD 1 a day, and nearly 2.8 billion people lived on less than USD 2 per day. About 65 per cent of these people are in South and East Asia alone (World Bank 2001). Thus a key issue for policymakers is who to focus on when they consider IP and technology policies. Unfortunately, most IP policies focus on IP owners and producers and not the users. It is important to bear in mind that almost all countries in Asia Pacific, with the exception of Japan, remain net importers of IP. Even countries like India that produce a lot of IP rarely own the legal rights to the products developed locally, since these are created for companies in the northern hemisphere.

The asymmetry between developed and developing countries in relation to technology is further illustrated by the fact that low and middle income developing countries account for about 21 per cent of world GDP (World Bank) but less than 10 per cent of worldwide research and development (R&D) expenditure.2 The OECD countries spend far more on R&D than India's total national income.3 Tables 1 and 2 contrast the level of investment and activities with respect to R&D expenditure and patents in developed and developing countries. They provide an insight into the sharp inequalities in the knowledge economy. Table 1 shows that the R&D budgets of developed countries far exceed those of the developing countries. Table 2 shows that the patent share of developing countries is miniscule in comparison to that of the developed countries.

Table 1
Major source countries of technologies in the World, 2000

 

 

 

US patents taken,

Technology

 

 

 

R&D expentiture#

1977–2000

fees received#

FDI outflows

 

$billion

Percentage

 

Percentage

 

Percentage

 

Percentage

Country

ppp $

of total

'000

of total

$billion

of total

$billion

of total

US

212.8

40.8

1,337.0

57

33.8

42.2

139.3

12.1

Japan

90.1

17.3

429.4

18

6.9

8.9

32.9

2.9

Germany

42.0

8.0

173.8

7

11.9

14.9

48.6

4.2

France

28.1

5.4

68.2

3

2.2

2.7

172.5

15.0

UK

22.6

4.3

67.4

3

5.8

7.2

249.8

21.7

Italy

12.1

2.3

29.0

1

1.6

2.0

12.1

1.1

Canada

11.4

2.2

48.4

2

1.3

1.6

44.0

3.8

Netherlands

7.5

1.4

22.0

1

6.2

7.7

73.1

6.4

Sweden

7.1

1.4

22.9

1

0.4

0.5

39.5

3.4

Switzerland

4.8

0.9

31.0

1

2.8

3.5

39.6

3.4

Subtotal 10

438.5

84.0

2,229.1

94

72.8

91.0

851.3

74.0

World

552.0

100.0

2,364.9

100

80.1

100.0

1,149.9

100.0

Source: Kumar (2003).

Note: #Belongs to 1997.

Table 2
Emerging sources of technology in terms of ownership of US patents, 1977–2000

 

 

 

Patents granted during the period and percentage share

 

 

 

1977–87

1987–90

1991–95

1996–2000

Country

Numbers

Per cent

Numbers

Per cent

Numbers

Per cent

Numbers

Per cent

Taiwan

1,039

0.15

2,496

0.66

7,760

1.41

19,153

2.54

South Korea

236

0.03

704

0.19

4,113

0.75

14,045

1.86

Israel

1,302

0.19

1,156

0.31

1,849

0.34

3,550

0.47

Hong Kong

577

0.08

480

0.13

1,018

0.18

1,842

0.24

South Africa

827

0.12

485

0.13

549

0.10

614

0.08

Mexico

393

0.06

174

0.05

234

0.04

374

0.05

Brazil

245

0.04

156

0.04

299

0.05

435

0.06

China Pub. Rep.

25

0.00

171

0.05

257

0.05

464

0.06

Argentina

206

0.03

78

0.02

136

0.02

225

0.03

Singapore

40

0.01

58

0.02

224

0.04

727

0.10

Venezuela

105

0.02

88

0.02

142

0.03

156

0.02

India

111

0.02

64

0.02

144

0.03

424

0.06

East and Central

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Europe

4,684

0.69

1,207

0.32

994

0.18

1,143

0.15

Subtotal

9,790

1.43

7,317

1.95

17,719

3.21

43,152

5.72

Others

1,473

0.22

652

0.17

902

0.16

1,731

0.23

Total

682,639

100.00

375,946

100.00

551,902

100.00

754,391

100.00

Source: Kumar (2003).

Note: Based on data presented in US Patents and Trademarks office (2001), TAF Special Report: All Patents, All Types—January 1, 1977–December 31, 2000, Washington, DC.

Given this asymmetry, policymakers in Asia Pacific will have to consider the impact of IP on the following four factors: (a) the costs of acquiring technology, (b) the opportunity costs in terms of developmental funding for key areas such as education, health and infrastructure, (c) the need to consider alternatives to paying high royalty costs and (d) the need to focus on developing indigenous technology instead of relying on importing foreign technology. By shifting focus away from protecting IP producers and owners, towards viewing IP through the prism of human rights and development, policymakers will be able to determine what would constitute the best model of IP laws within their economic and cultural context, keeping in mind their obligations under TRIPS.

The ICT revolution of this era promises a radical shift in the paradigm of how information, knowledge and culture are produced, disseminated and accessed (Rifkin 2000). Yet this promise must overcome the challenges posed by severe restrictions that make access to knowledge and culture more difficult for people, especially the poor and underprivileged. Stricter IP laws that raise information costs constitute grave impediments to a more democratized information environment. This is illustrated in the case of partially sighted and blind people whose already limited access to digital content is further curtailed by traditional as well as new copy protocols (see boxed article).

The case highlights the broader issue of the relationship between copyright and access to knowledge. Copyright was intended as a system of balances to provide incentives to creators while also ensuring free circulation of copyright works in the public domain for all other creators to build on. This balance has shifted aggressively and it has expanded drastically in favour of content owners such as large publishing houses and media conglomerates. It is imperative for policymakers to consider what kind of exceptions or compulsory license mechanisms can be devised to enable greater access to content and information for all of their citizens. In spite of their relatively weak bargaining power in the new global order, policymakers from developing countries in Asia Pacific must consider the best options available to them under the current paradigm.

ICT, visual disability and copyright

It is estimated that there are about 180 million people in the world who are blind and partially-sighted and who thus are disadvantaged in their ability to access content. Developments in text recognition software have improved their situation somewhat, although proprietary versions of such software, such as Jaws, still cost up to USD 1,000 per licensed copy. In India, many people with visual disabilities have started using what would be illegally obtained versions of Jaws. The only reason there is no enforcement of IP laws in this case would be the very bad press that a copyright infringement claim against an association for the blind would get if it were pursued.

People who are blind or partially-sighted can only access the written word, whether originally displayed on paper or on computer screen, if its presentation is adapted in some way. Adaptations include enlarging, altering features such as colour or font, and transferring to a tactile code or into an audio format. The result may be hard copy Braille, large print, tape or CD or a temporary output from computer peripherals such as synthetic speech or enlarged screen display. Thus, providing access to content for those who are blind or partially-sighted would include granting them the rights of reproduction, adaptation and perhaps communication, which in turn would mean granting this set of users an exception to copyright.

However, even if exceptions are provided, there could be additional restrictions, such as in the form of digital rights management (DRM). Kerscher and Fruchterman (2002) describe the impact of DRM on the ability of people who are blind to access digital content thus:

The personal computer is the information access tool of choice for many persons who are blind. The computer is made accessible through a screen reader program. Screen readers use a text-to-speech synthesizer (TTS) to speak aloud the information that a sighted person would visually read on the computer screen. These screen readers intercept the text being written to the display and keep track of it, so that it can be vocalized in response to the user's control. For example, pressing certain keys will cause the screen reader to read the current word, line or paragraph. Screen readers also permit the use of dynamic Braille displays instead of, or in addition to, the TTS.

The screen readers are external applications to the PC-based eBook reading software. The DRM wrappers are designed to work with reading applications that present the text visually without allowing the text to be copied, to prevent the illegal distribution of the book. Unfortunately, these anti-copying provisions also prevent the screen reader from providing access with TTS or Braille. The secure reading application views these external applications as security threats and blocks their access. As a result, people persons who try to use their screen reader with eBook reading systems find that their screen reader is not allowed to do its job… [which] leaves the person who is blind with no access to the ePublication, unless the reading application builds access directly into the user interface.



 

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